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Aviation History
1917
1917 - 0936.PDF
But howabout the AerialLeague ? While we whole-heartedly welcome the action of the Navy League, there is just one point that occurs to us which needs clearing up. That is, how will the new propaganda of the Navy League fit in with the work of the Aerial League of the British Empire, which is now apparently taking a new and purposeful lease of life ? It should be assured that the two programmes do not clash. Without question the more propaganda work that is done the better it will be for the common cause, always provided there is no SEPTEMBER 13, 1917. the dark, then they become still more onerous to counter. It is one thing to deal with the huge and comparatively slow-travelling Zeppelin, which can be held by the searchlights and which is large enough to form something like a target for anti-aircraft guns, and, moreover, which is especially vulnerable to modern aeroplane attack. It is quite another, however, to tackle the far more mobile aeroplane, which is practically immune from gunfire in the dark and difficult to find by the friendly aeroplane. Not to beg the question any longer, we do not think conflict of object or purpose in the respective pro- there is any positively effective defence against thegrammes. The Aerial League, under its recently appointed general secretary, Mr. Jerome Dyer, is embarking on a very extensive missionary campaign, and it would be a thousand pities if the work were to be stultified in the slightest by want of mutual understanding between two bodies which are both sincerely out to do their patriotic best in the great cause of air power. The Aerial League, with its present widespread organisation, through the Overseas Aerial League and another working war association, stands for a great Imperial Air Fleet without reserva- tion. The Navy League, as set forth in the resolu- tions discussed in a previous paragraph, is for the same thing, except that, as we have pointed out, it has been careful to avoid any suggestion of a desire to trench upon the work of any other body and has made the clear reservation that it wants an air fleet as the complement of an all-powerful Navy. There is no point of conflict between the two, and we suggest that it will be well that there should be a discussion between the executives of the two Leagues in order that no misunderstandings should arise. We certainly do not want anything of the Codlin or Short description to enter into the"" campaign which lies ahead, either now or hereafter. Since last week's midnight raid on the London area by enemy aircraft it has been curious to watch the comments of the Press on the subject of air raids and the policy they impose on- our own defensive organisation. One section blames the Army authori- ties and wants to get rid of everybody. Another gravely lays it down that air raids are an inevitable part of the price we have to pay for being at war with an undoubtedly clever and enterprising, if utterly unscrupulous, enemy, and, without saying so in actual words, gives its public to understand that the policy of " darkness and composure " is the only one that is of the slightest good to us. In one direction, however, comment is absolutely unanimous, and that is in the matter of an aerial counter-offensive, which is called for by the whole Press of the country, irrespective of political or any other creed. First, as to the measure of blame which attaches to our own military authorities—if any—upon which one section of the Press, as we have said, insists. Whatever we may think of raids by daylight and the possibility of preventing them—and frankly we do not think they can be absolutely prevented, what- ever defensive measures are adopted—we are cer- tainly of the opinion that raids by night cannot be entirely stopped so long as the enemy has the machines to spare and the men to fly them. The difficulties of the defence are heavy enough when raids by daylight alone have to be dealt with, but when it comes to dealing with aeroplane attack in Lessons, night raid. At any rate, there is no known method at present, whatever may be evolved later as the result of experience. Therefore, we cannot agree that any culpability attaches to the military authorities entrusted with the defence of our shores. We know that they are fully alive to the danger and have given all possible study and thought to the best methods of warding it off. We know that our gunnery defences have been improved out of all knowledge in comparison with even a few months ago. We know also that the officers of the R.N.A.S. and the R.F.C. do not hesitate to take any and every risk in flying at night in the effort to bring down the raiders and show the enemy that the game is not worth the candle. In a word, we are fully satisfied that everything possible is being done defensively that the limitations of our knowledge and resources will permit. So*much for that aspect of the question. It will be noted that we have laid some amount of emphasis upon the purely defensive measures that have been and are being taken to combat this new form of war. As we have said, we are quite satisfied as to these, and were there nothing to be done beyond accepting the rdle of the actual defensive, as opposed to that of the offensive-defensive, we should be content to view these raids as one of the risks of war from which there is no escape. But to our way of thinking—and the whole public opinion of the country is with us—there is much more that can be done. We can carry the air war into the enemy's own country and treat him to copious doses of his own frightfulness, which would be the best possible deterrent measure we could adopt. It is perfectly futile to talk about the killing of innocent non- combatants at this stage of the war. Germany hopes by a continual policy of raids to paralyse our will to victory, trusting to our own sense of decency to escape retaliation in kind, and so long as she can carry-on the game with impunity she will continue to raid us. She will certainly not achieve her object, because the British people are "not built that way, but that is beside the point. We are all in favour of a policy of the counter-offensive pursued to its bitterest end, if and when it can be carried out without sacrificing some more immediately important military object. This is an important reservation, but we make it because we consider that it is very necessary indeed for us to preserve a proper sense of proportion in the matter. As we say, we believe in the counter- offensive, which we verily believe would go very faj to stop German raids on England; but we will go the length of saying that we had rather put up with them than that the winning of the war should be delayed by its pursuit. As a matter of fact, it is clear to the ordinary reader of the newspapers that we are, in fact, carrying out a very strong counter-( offensive in the air, and that for one ton of bombs 936
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