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Aviation History
1918
1918 - 1271.PDF
Flight •n4 The Atrtraft Engin**r. Editorial Office: 36, GREAT QUEEN STREET, KINGSWAY, W.C. ». ••• Telegram*: Trnditur, Wastceot, London. T«l*pbon«: Garrud «8»*. Annual Subscription Rites, Post Free; Uaitad Kingdom .. tts. td. Abroad 33*. od. These rates are subject to any alteration found necessary »nder war conditions. CONTENTS. 'Editorial Comment: " PAGE Peace and its Problems , .. .* •• •• I572 The Question of Fiscal Policy 1274 ~ The Labour Question I274 Ae»oplanes after the War -f 127S The End of the War! .. 1275 The Armistice .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 1276 Honours .. .. .. .. .. .. .- .. •• •• 1278 The Gotha Bomber 1280 The Royal Aero Club. Official Notices 1*83 The Roll of Honour .. .. .. .. .. .. ... .. .. 1283 The Austrian Berg Single-Seater . .. 1285 The 200 h.p. Austro-Daimler Aero Engine .. .. .. .. .. 12S8 Correspondence .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 1294 Airisms from the Four Winds .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 129s Personals .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 1:98 The Royal Air Force 1301 Aviation in Parliament .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 1301 Aircraft Work at the Front. Official Information 1305 SideWinds .. .. 1306 Company Matters 1306 and the with are Peaceand its Problems ' Newspapers are an essential part of our war organisation." (Sir Auckland Geddes, Minister of National Service.) ' ITH the acceptance of the Allies' armistice terms on Monday by our last and most powerful enemy, the War has come to a triumphant end. It is full soon to talk about the past. That must be left to the historian student. What we are most concerned the problems which will arise out of the passing from war to peace. These will be many and difficult of solution— so many and so difficult that we are almost at a loss to know where to start. Nor is it of any avail to leave any of them to settle themselves as they are reached. Each one must be foreseen and the proper measures taken for dealing with it before it arises, else we shall find that the affairs of the nation have fallen into a state of chaos far worse than any that followed the sudden entering into a state of war. In this connection it may be premised that a good deal will necessarily depend upon the precise settle- ment of the main questions raised by the War itself. We are in a state now of suspended hostilities—not of final peace. True, we have imposed such terms on the enemy that render it utterly impossible for him to resume the War, but we must in nowise lose sight •of the fact that the real position is this : The soldiers have done their part in reducing the enemy to a state of impotency in which he is prepared to be tcld what we will have him to do and to do it, but now comes the turn of the politicians and the diplomatists, who have it in their power to undo all that our arms have secured for us. Let it be said at once that we do not for a moment suppose that there is any likelihood of the extreme happening, but we are by no means so certain that the civilian representatives who will draw up the final terms are as determined to punish NOVEMBER 14, 1918 Germany to-the utmost for her crimes as the count ry would have them. They have vouchsafed us nothing but generalities so far, while the country asks for specific assurances. For example, do they intend that Germany shall be called upon to foot the whole of the War bill ? The War has cost in hard cash expenditure over £60,000,000,000, spread among all the belligerents. Over and above that gigantic sum is the bill for the damage done by the enemy's armies in occupied territories, the exact figure of which we do not know yet." Who is to pay this ? Germany began the War as an aggressor, and we know precisely what would have happened in the matter of indemni- ties if she had won. Is there any reason why she should be treated any more tenderly than she would have dealt with a defeated Entente ? There is none, and what is more, the people of this country do not intend that she shall. We have not the slightest hesitation in saying that our considered opinion is that if our statesmen lend colour to the theory of the " Hidden Hand " by attempting to let Germany down lightly in the matter of paying for the War, they will be risking a grave upheaval which may carry away with it many of our most cherished institutions. *. We do not know how much authority Mr. Hughes, the Australian Prime Minister, has for his statement made the other day that the terms of peace have already been settled, and that we have, therefore, to deal with an accomplished fact. There has been a guarded official explanation of the proceedings in eonnection'with the settling of the terms, but that has really told us nothing at all, save that the Dominions have been given an opportunity of sharing in" the discussion. Mr. Hughes says that the terms have actually been communicated to the Dominion Governments, so we may accept it that they have been settled. He goes on to say that he objects to the terms because they do not provide for indemnities. While provision is made for restoration and repara- tion in some fashion, none is made for indemnity. He puts the case well by saying :— " Why should not Germany at least help us to pay the corf of this war ? Is war to be made so attractive that eve y nation shall say, ' Germany failed, but she failed only by a hair's breadth. But for a miracle she would have succeeded, and the world would have been hers. She failed, and- what is the penalty she paid ? Her sword was broken ; she was disarmed ; slic was compelled to make some sort of reparation But, while she laid the world in ruins, her country escaped the horrors of war, and she paid not a penny by way of con- tribution to the huge burden of debt which she imposed upon the peaceful nations of the world.' If this is not an induce- ment to make war, what is ? Let the German pe pie work out their salvation by deeds. Let them pay. That will be the greatest deterrent. It will be a deterrent that will show to the citizens of every country that they w'10 make war will not only be broken on the wheel, and their power to make war taken away, but that they will be made to pay to those who are compelled to defend themselves the full cost of that defence." We confess we view the position with the gravest misgivings. As we have said, by letting Germany off the penalty for her crime the Government is playing with fire. However stem the terms we give to the beaten enemy, whatever we exact from him by way of payment on account of the cCst of the War, w shall be faced with a sea of trouble during the period of transition which will take all the skill, all the statesmanship we have available to navigate safely. If there is the slightest trace of the influence of the " Hidden Hand," it will not avail, and the future wiJl hold a grave menace to our established institutions 1272
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