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Aviation History
1919
1919 - 0382.PDF
t All recent speakers have urged the importance of economy,": butfnone, I think, has suggested that these particular Estimates are too high. Some have suggested that there has been waste in the management of aerodromes. I dare say that may have been so. In fact, we know that in one case a verv important and impartial committee found there had been great waste. I welcome the knowledge that they bring to me of any occasion where there is wasteful or extravagant administration. Not only do I welcome it, but I invite it, and I hope any hon. member in this House who believes there is anything wasteful or uneconomical being done will bring it to my attention. I much regret that I was absent from the House for a few moments when the hon. member for Leyton (Lieut.-Col. Malone) was speaking, but I under stand he said the Admiralty objected to the present position of the Air Force and wanted to withdraw their Force. That is not the case, so far as I know ; it is new to me. I do not believe the Admiralty have any idea of doing any such thing. I am quite sure that they, in common with the War Office, see clearly that the only way to administer an Air Force is by an Air Ministry, and I can only repeat what my right hon. friend would, I know, have said if he were here, that his hold ing both offices does not in the least mean that the iniependence of the Royal Air Force and the Air Ministry is in any degree jeopardised. Quite the contrary. The fact that my right hon. friend is so keenly interested in flying himself, and was one of the first to encourage it— fce has, I believe, wi h the exception of myself, flown more than any other member of the House, except of course those gallant professional officers we have with us—is a proof that he is not likely to allow the Air Force to lose a jot or tittle of its independence. Mv hon. and gallant friend the member for Chatham made a most interesting speech and begged that the Royal Air Force should not be put under the heel of unsympathetic, unscientific, and occasionally incompetent Staff officers from the other Services. I give him with the greatest pleasure the assurance that he requires. May I say that we do realise that the airman is a different being to the sailor or the soldier. He has a different outlook on life. He believes that he should have his own Staff college, and he shall have it. He considers that there should be an Air Staff just as much as there is a General Staff at the War Office or a General Staff which is being created at the Admiralty. With those who think that there should be one great Defence Ministry, I may say that the necessary step to that end would be that matters which appertain to the air should have a department even more than any other department, and a staff of its own, so as to make those concerned feel that their contribu tion of flying to the other two links them together very, very closely. I understand that the hon. member for Leyton indicated, or, rather, it might be gathered from his speech, that he thought that Genl. Sykes was in some way superior to Genl. Trenchard and directed him. I am glad to take this opportunity of saying what I intended to say in my opening statement on that subject. Of course, that is not so There are three members of the Air Council, Genl. Trenchard, who commands the military side; Genl. Ellington, who is responsible for the production and research side ; and General Sykes, who, as everyone knows, is the Controller- General of Civil Aviation. None of them can be said to be the boss of the other, to use homely words. Certainly, the last thing Genl. Sykes or Genl. Trenchard wish to do would be to say that the one was superior to the other. The line of demarcation of their spheres is quite clear. I know that they will work in cordial co-operation together for the benefit of flying. What I am anxious to say is that we do owe a great debt of gratitude to Genl. Trenchard for his services during the War. That has been given expression to, I think, before. But it would not be proper in introducing Air Estimates not to refer to them. The Independent Air Force which, of course, would form part of our fighting forces if ever we went to war again at once, was under his command, and had a vital effect in bringing the War to a victorious con clusion. The fact that he at once, when asked to come forward, to take over his present duties again, did so, places the Government and the ccuntry in his debt. I regret to say he has been seriously, not to say most dangerously, ill. I was glad to hear this morning that he was better and with every hope of a speedy recovery. I am sure the whole House will wish well to both Genl. Sykes and Genl. Trencbard. Geal. Sykes, who takes up this most difficult and new post, and Genl. Trenchard who took over at a most critical time. I am glad to say that all the senior officers of Genl. Sykes* staff have been selected, and that the whole staff is in process of formation. I have every hope that in a very short time the whole thing will be in working order. In the meantime I must admit that owing to the influenza having laid by General Treuchard and myself, and both having to be consulted in the allocation of these posts earlier through the temporary indisposition of Genl. Sykes, but most probably due to my fault in catching the influenza, there has been delay. Mr. Joynson-Hicks : Will it be a purely military or civil staff ? Maj.-Genl. Seely : There will be military and civil officers. Most of the posts, if not all, will be filled by officers of the Royal Air Force who have been in it, because, during the War, everybody who could fly or took an interest in flying joined the Force if he was young enough to do so. But It is not intended that it should be a military organisation in any sense of the word. So much is that the case that Genl. Sykes asked to be allowed to retire from the Air Force in order to emphasise the civilian aspect of his duties. Lord H. Cavendish-Bentinck: I beg to move to reduce Vote A by £100. I have put this motion down to draw attention to the dismissal of Miss Violet Douglas Pennant. I should like to explain that I am very sorry indeed to have to say anything that is disagreeable, firstly, to my right hon. and gallant friend, and, secondly, that may seem to be derogatory to the Air Service. The right hon. and gallant gentleman is a very old friend of mine, and nobody has a greater admiration for the distinguished services rendered to the nation by him or the Air Service. This question is not merely a per sonal one. The dismissal of Miss Douglas Pennant goes to the very root of the efficiency of the public service, and the treatment which was accorded to her really undermines that confidence which justice and fairness ought to inspire. Miss Pennant was ostensibly dismissed because of the exigencies of the public service, and the excuse given is because the efficiency of the Service demanded it. That is merely the ostensible reason, but the real reason is that she from the very first was the victim of a conspiracy and an intrigue, and Lord Weir, instead of supporting her in her efforts to secure the efficiency of the Service, got rid of her, and thereby supported and con doned the action of those who were obstructing the efficiency of the public service. Miss Pennant was no untried person. She had a long and distinguished career of public service, and her efficiency and capacity as an Insurance Commissioner has won for her the affection and esteem of the whole of the people of Wales. On April 22 she was invited to take the head of the Women's Royal Air Force, and she only consented if she might have an oppor-tnn 'tv °f. looking round for a month. She found she was up against a corrupt clique of people who were running the Women's Air Force at that time, who were determined that it should be run in an inefficient way or not at all. For instance, she was refused all information as to the Service over which she was supposed to preside. She was even refused information as to what camps had women of the Royal Air Force working in tbem. She went to the Master-General of Personnel and told him that she could not possibly accept the post unless she had his support, and Sir Godfrey Paine promised her his support, and said she was to have the sole command of the Air Force, and at all times to have access to himself. Therefore she accepted the post. MARCH 20» 1919* Soon after she was asked to promote five most unsuitable and inexpen enced women to high and responsible positions, but she refused to do so and said they must take subordinate positions in which they had proved their worth. Lord Weir upheld her decision, but this caused great discontent and animosity in the clique to which I have referred, and they made it theit business to make her position impossible. She got messages to say that she would be very soon turned out of the place, and stating that highly-placed people were determined that she should not hold her pcsition any longer. These people actually went to the length of issuing instructions in her name without her knowledge, and behind her back, with the sole object of making her out a most unreasonable person. Telephone messages were sent in hei name of which she had not the slightest knowledge, and she went to Sii Godfrey Paine and said she could not possibly carry on her work unless a certain officer at the head of the men's department of the Women's Air Force was dismissed. Sir Godfrey Paine, who always supported ber in the most loyal way, got rid of this officer, and for a time everything went smoothly and the Service made great progress. Unfortunately, Sir Godfrey Paine took up a position in France, and GenJ Brancker took his place, and he had not been in office more than three days and had hardly had time to see whether Miss Pennant was efficient or not, when he sent for her and dismissed her on the spot. I do not know whether he did so by Lord Weir's order or not, but she was dismissed in an extremely summary manner. I think probably my right hon. friend will tell us that since Miss Pennant was dismissed, and since her successor has taken over her work, things have gone on much more smoothly than before. That mav be the truth, but it is not the whole truth. The whole truth is that when Miss Pennant took up this post she found the Women's Royal Air Force was a perfect mess of corruption and intrigue, and the whole Service was in an utter state of disorganisation. Although there was a large staff they had clone absolutely nothing. There was no register, no system of finding letters, and what is more important there was no clothing to be got for the women. There were actually 500 camps in which women were working, and only 73 women officers, and Miss Pennant fought against the difficulties placed in her way, and proceeded to put these things right. She secured accommodation for training officers, and in 11 weeks she trained no less than 300 women officers, and, further than that, she started a training scheme for 12,000 cooks, and typists, and general servants. It would be more honest to say, and I hope my right hon. friend will sav, that the efficiency of the Service of the present day, to a very large extent, is due to the excellent spade work put in by Miss Pennant when she was there. 1 think it is really deplorable that she was not allowed to carry on ber work. I know perfectly well that in war-time no officer has a vested interest in his post. We have seen officers got rid of, not for any misconduct, but simply and solely because the exigencies of the Service demanded that somebody else should have that position. I do say, however, that Miss Pennant was not dismissed for any inefficiency or unpopularity, but she was dismissed simply and solely because she was not allowed to have a fair chance, and because she was up against this corrupt clique of people who put every obstacle in her way. She was the victim of malice, intrigue, and conspiracy, and I think it is a monstrous thing for a Department to say either that she was unpepnar or inefficient, because she was neither one nor the other. Lord London derry, in another place, speaking for the Air Ministry, said that if charges of corruption and intrigue were made, Miss Pennant should have an inquiry Well, she has brought charges of corruption and intrigue against members of the Ministry. I myself bring charges of corruption here and now, and it will be a monstrous thing if the pledge which Lord Londonderry has given in another place is not upheld and given by the Minister now. The amendment was strongly supported by Brig.-Genl. Sir O. Thomas, Sir Robert Thomas, Mr. Hinds, Sir David Davies, Mr. Thomas Davies, and Mr. Harold Smith. Ma> -Gen!. Seely: We have been asked two definite questions. The first was, Who told Genl. Brancker to dismiss Miss Douglas Pennant ? The answer is Lord Weir told him to do so. He takes the full responsibility. He savs that he carefully considered who was (he best person. He thought Mis*: Violet Douglas Pennant was the best person until, as time went on, he came to the conclusion that, hard as she was trying to do her best, competent as she was in other respects, she was not the' best fitted for this positjcD. He was quite sure about that. He took the fullest responsibility. The next question is, What is the charge against Miss Douglas Pennant ? There is no charge against her. There is the opinion of the competent authority of that day, long ago, that, although far from there being a charge against her she was one of the best and most patriotic, one of the most competent and efficient ladies in England or Wales, she was emphatically not the best fitted to be the head of the Women's Royal Air Force. I have said what I have said, not out of compliment to her, but because it is manifestly true. Bill I wish my hon. friends around me would see that it really must be open to the Secretary of State to decide who are the best people to fill particular appoint ments. It cannot be said that if anyone is told, " You must go back to your other position " you must have an immediate inquiry. It would be utterly subversive of all discipline. I ask the House to support me in saying yon cannot allow that to be said. There are not words strong enough to say how highly I regard Miss Douglas Pennant and the services she has rendered to the State, and I know Lord Weir would say the same if he were standing in my place. In the most difficult and very peculiar job of administering this Women's Royal Air Force we came to the conclusion that she was not the best fitted for it. The State must have power to do that. If there is to be an inquiry as to whether Lord Weir was right in superseding this most admir able ladv because be believed another lady could do it better, and we would get on with the War better, I say No. If a specific charge is made that this lady was best fitted for the Job, and that there was malice or corruption on the part of anybody from the Secretary of State downward, and if a primd facie case is made out we will at once order an inquiry into that specific allegation. But be it clearly understood that the question of the right of the Secretary of State in his unfettered discretion to remove anyone at any time, and especially at a time of war, to supersede anyone, we cannot have inquired into. The true answer to that is to bring the Secretary of State to the Bar of justice in this House, or if there be malice or corruption shown, to bring him to the Bar of an appropriate tribunal; but to inquire into his right to supersede anyone would be fatal to good government. The discussion was continued by Sir F. Banbury and Mr. Thomas. Mr. Churchill: The House has taken a great interest in this important personal case, and one can easily sec by the attitude of many of those who are present that they have already, to a very large extent, made up theii minds as to what is the proper course for the Government to take. J have heard a lot of personal cases debated in this House at one time and another, and I have often noticed how keen is the interest in those cases, and how very distressing they are to bon. members who hear the whole story unfolded rapidly to them of some wrong which has been done, some injustice which has been committed. It is not, I think, upon details, but only upon genera! principles that the House should consider how it will deal with a matter of this kind, and I fully admit that my right hon. friend, in the speech which he has just made, did confine himself in the main to general principles. Let us just see what arc the main principles which are involved. In the first place, there is the question whether the discretionary powers was rightlv used. In the second place, there is the question whether there is any allega tion that the discretionary power was corruptly used. Let me take the 382
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