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Aviation History
1919
1919 - 1438.PDF
has been the result of ability to assess the future. In all their prognostications of development it is possible to say that neither has been demonstrated to be wrong. Why, therefore, should they not be equally correct in their prophecies about the influence of aircraft on the naval wars of the future ? Ob viously, there is no reason at all. Yet in face of such opinions—which we cannot think are solely held by Lord Fisher and Sir Percy Scott—we are spending blindly and without enquiry large sums on the building of ships like the Hood—said to be costing about £8,000,000—which can be put out of action in an hour by aircraft and submarine attack. At the same time, we are scrapping as fast as we can the whole of the complex organisation of aerial defence built up during the War, and are putting nothing in its place. The airships are being sold to private concerns. The coastal seaplane stations are being closed down wholesale. Even the aeroplane estab lishment for working afloat with the Navy has been drastically reduced. Yet Lord Fisher and Sir Percy Scott tell us that air-power in the future is sea-power —and no-one in authority heeds them. We are not even taking the first steps to build up that adequate Flying Reserve of which we have written more than once. It may be, of course, that both of these distinguished sailors are wrong. Doubtless, the Board of Admiralty will in due time assure the country that they are. But, surely, the right thing to be done is to enquire exhaustively and impartially into the tenability of the hypotheses they advance, and if it is held that they have allowed enthusiasm to run away with judgment—we do not think they have, but that is another matter—the country should be told so and why. We have had enough of the methods of red- tape, which sent our Fleet to fight the battle of Jutland without proper means of fire control, with guns that were outranged by those of the enemy, with shell that would not penetrate the armour of the German ships, and with searchlights hopelessly inferior to those of the Huns. These matters must no longer be left to be the playthings of permanent officials and of admirals who, while they may have done gallant service in the past, are a part of what is undoubtedly, so far as the senior ranks are concerned, the most conservative service in the world. We must have vision and breadth of outlook in these matters. We have never had these in the past and we have paid an enormous price in blood and treasure for our shortcomings. Let those in authority take heed to the warning. • • • Considerable alarm is being manifested T!n ti^Un *n France at the belief that Germany j^r is organising an elaborate and efficient system of commercial air transport, capable of being transformed at a moment's notice into a formidable weapon of war. The facts on which the apprehension is based seem to be that Germany is organising a complete network of commercial air routes, radiating from Berlin to numerous points on the frontier, and linking up all the chief ports. At the present stage of the development of flying such organisations can only be maintained by State subsidies, the aim of which in this case is clear. Then, it is estimated that Germany at the present moment owns no fewer than 20,000 aeroplanes, a number which would prove intensive manufacturing activity since the Armistice. An Airmen's Union has been formed, the effect of which will be to keep German aviators combined in an organisation admirably constituted for their instant mobilisation in case of war. We can fully understand the alarm in France. The Hun cannot be trusted for a moment, and we have no shadow of doubt that if and when he thinks he has a fair chance of reversing the results of the Great War he will not hesitate for a moment, but will strike, hard and suddenly. There is only one thing that can be done. It seems to be fairly clear that we cannot forbid aerial development in Germany. After all, the War is over, and we are now at peace with the Hun—he is now numbered among the " friendly " nations. Aviation has an enormous commercial future, and we cannot expect to keep its development to ourselves and our Allies simply because aircraft can be converted at short notice into engines of war. Germany must have her share in that development, and if she chooses to take it none can prevent her so doing. This is one of the risks that will have to be faced with our eyes open, and must be taken closelv into account in fixing the measure of our own prepara tions against surprise. It is not a matter that concerns France alone. We are pledg«d by treaty to assist our Ally in case of unprovoked attack upon her, and, further, it is as certain as that night follows day that Germany would not dream of attacking France unless she were prepared at the same time to deliver a similar attack on ourselves. Un doubtedly, we shall have to prepare against surprise by taking similar counter-measures. If it be sub stantiated that Germany is in fact subsidising all these commercial services, we shall have to do some thing of the same sort. As a matter of fact, we ourselves have for some time been urging our own Government to give us a plain statement of aerial policy. As we have repeatedly pointed out, it is not necessary that we should maintain a huge and costly active Air Force which may never be used. What should be done is precisely what it is alleged the Germans are doing now. They are, it is said, organising comprehensive commercial services, ostensibly under private business auspices, but with the Government in the background to give a helping hand to development. They have inaugurated what they are pleased to call an Airmen's Union, which is in fact the same sort of Flying Reserve we have advocated as being the best type of organisation for ourselves. Whether our French Allies will respond to the menace—for it unquestionably is a menace— by taking similar measures we do not know. Nothing has transpired so far to lead us to think it is contem plated. But whatever is done by way of answer on the other side of the Channel, our own duty is clear. It is Britain that the Hun always has in mind when he sets about the task of aggressive organisation. It is Britain that is the arch-enemy, and we should be criminally foolish to think in any other terms. The Hun is unchanged and unchastened, and we may be certain that if we are so supine as to allow him to gain a preponderating lead in the air, he will not be slow to take advantage of the opportunity of gaining what he failed to obtain in the last War. • ' • • The Last week, in dealing with the new R.A.F. organisation of the R.A.F. details as a attached to the Navy, we deduced that Separate it had been absolutely and definitely Service decided that the rumoured intention of reverting to the old arrangement of dual Air Services
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