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Aviation History
1923
1923 - 0175.PDF
MARCH 29, 1923 AVIATION IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS ON Wednesday, March 21, British air policy was discussedin the House of Lords, when the Air Estimates, 1923-24, came up for debate. The general feeling was one of uneasiness anddissatisfaction with the manner in which this country has lost its leading position in the air, even to the point of beinginadequately prepared for home defence. The EARL OF BIRKENHEAD, in calling attention to the relativeair-strengths of France and Great Britain, said the question was one of the utmost public importance, which had changedits aspect very largely in the last few years and indisputably in the last few months. It would be extremely unfortunateif the importance of the matter was in any way obscured by a tendency to recrimination. We were the first country in theworld, after the Armistice, to give a pledge of our conviction in the coming peace by dissolving, almost as rapidly andmagically as we had created them, the great armies which had played so great a part in the common victory. The conse-quences today were well known. The peace-time establish- ment contemplated as permanent by the French nation wasmore than twice the peace-time establishment of the British army. Now we, who were the first to reduce the army, hadexhibited to the world, in the words of the First Lord of the Admiralty, a signal act of faith in relation to the navy, i i thatwe, alone of the signatories to the Washington Treaty, had carried out the obligations to which we signed our name con-ditionally on the co-signatories equally discharging their under- takings ; but he confessed he had less anxiety in this con-nection. Four years had passed since the Armistice. We had notgained one yard in the direction of that European settlement, and the re-attainment of tranquillity on the Continent ofEurope, which was the dearest hope of every one four years ago.There was no sensible Englishman or Frenchman who did not realise the immense and permanent disaster to the Con-tinent of Europe if it were found to be impossible to restore the harmony which had existed. But we had a duty to ourown people. It was vitally important to everybody who had any responsibility for the security of these islands to considerthat security in the terms of the new diplomacy and not in the terms of the old.Turning to the question of air strength, Lord Birkenhead quoted the figures given by Sir Samuel Hoare on the relativestrengths of French and British Air Forces. As these have already been published in FLIGHT, they are not repeated here.They disclosed, he said, an alarming state of affairs. Con- tinuing, he said that, just as in the past they could not claimsecurity for the people of this country unless our Fleet was adequate, so today they would be entirely lacking in theirduty to the country unless they were able to afford them the guarantee of a sufficient Air Force to defend them from attack.There was no case here for offence on the part of any other Power. It had been said that there were great German airpreparations going on at this moment. He was informed by officers who had recently had an intimate knowledge ofGermany that these statements were most grossly exaggerated, and that there was no German air menace during the next twoyears at any rate, nor could there be any air menace from Germany combined with Russia. If that was true, thesituation became even more alarming. He did not suggest that any change could be made this year, but that the Govern-ment ought to do something considerably more than they were doing at present he was quite satisfied. This country couldno more be content during the next three, four, or five years with a position of inferiority in the air than it would have beencontent with naval inferiority prior to 1914. Nothing less than a one-Power standard was safe, and it was in terms ofsafety alone that Governments and Empires existed. On what possible basis could it be said that we should be contentwith less than a one-Power standard in the air ? While he would make any sacrifice to maintain French friendship, whichwas necessary to the civilisation of Europe and the recon- struction of the world, he did not believe that it would befound possible for any Government in this country to accept any standard in the air lower than one which was at least equalto that of any foreign Power. The DUKE OF SUTHERLAND, Under-Secretary of State forAir, said that Lord Birkenhead had correctly stated the number of British machines, but his figures in regard toFrench machines were not quite accurate. According to their latest information the corresponding French figures were140 squadrons mustering 1,260 machines. Of those 111 squadrons were at home and 29 overseas. The number ofBritish squadrons at home at the present moment were ten, and would be 14 but for the fact that four were at present at the Dardanelles. By 1925 the British machines would number575, against the French strength of 2,180, on the assumption that no alterations were made in the programme of expansion,which had still to pass the French Chamber and Senate. The strength of the British personnel was approximately29,000 all ranks. It was not possible, however, to give the comparable French figures on the completion of the pro-gramme of expansion, but the combined strength of the French military and naval air services was approximately 38,000.If the present Cabinet decided that in their view the axiom accepted by the Coalition Government that it was unlikelythat there could be a major war for ten years from 1919 no longer held good, and if the Committee of Imperial Defence,which was now reviewing the whole subject in every light, also held the same view, and that the present circumstanceswarranted a larger Air Force, then quite possibly a larger Air Force would be raised. If it was decided to adopt a one-Powerstandard with France it would mean an increase on the Esti- mates for 1923-24 of about £5,000,000,but that would eventuallybe increased to £17,000,000 per annum in order to keep pace with France, if she continued to expand as at present proposed.With the increase of £5,000,000 it would mean a total expendi- ture of £23,000,000 for next year, in addition to a possiblecapital expenditure of £15,000,000. It would in that case be necessary to see where reductions could possibly be made inother services. Furthermore, three-quarters of the total French Air Force was kept at home in France, whereastwo-thirds of our squadrons had to be kept permanently overseas.From the point of view of national security, another important factor was the keeping alive and encouragement ofthe aircraft industry in this country, so that in the event of war, an immediate expansion could be made of the number ofmachines required for military service. This was only possible by encouraging civil aviation, by the standardisation of typesof machines, and by large orders for military machines in the immediate, future. The encouragement of civil aviation •would also help from the military point of view to the extent that the pilots who took part in civil aviation would be askedto join the new reserve that was being formed of military pilots. Opinions differed on the point of whether passengermachines could in time of war be adapted for bombing and other military purposes. They could undoubtedly, to alimited extent. France felt at the present moment that she was fullyjustified from her point of view in having a large Air Force as a first line of defence against an air attack upon both herselfand Britain on the part of a Russo-German combination in the future. While our policy was still to remain in Iraq, Palestineand the Near East, it was undoubtedly cheaper to control those countries from the air than by the Army. The foundationswe had laid down, and which were necessary for the building up of our present modest force, would, with comparativelyslight additions, suffice to support a force two or three times its present dimensions. If we raised our Air Forceto a one-Power standard on the basis of the present French strength, we should have to face immediately a total expendi-ture of £23,000,000 a year, while if and when the full French programme was carried into effect that figure would have to beincreased to a total of £35,000,000 per annum. He was very glad that the Committee of Imperial Defence were inquiringinto the whole problem, so that they could be satisfied, before increased expenditure was undertaken, that it was reallynecessary for the safety of the Empire at the present time, when the need for the utmost economy was so imperative. VISCOUNT HALDANE said that on the main question heconfessed the noble duke had left him somewhat uneasy The position which we were in was a position which seemed to himto be inadequate so far as home defence was concerned. The British Navy was still probably the most powerful Navy in theworld, and it was permeated by a spirit of victoiy which was worth many ships. The problem of home defence was a specialone, and we needed to pay close attention to the question of defending ourselves against short-range air attacks on London.He did not think that France dreamt of war with us, but at the same time he was keenly aware of the possibilities ofchanges and sudden emergencies, and we must be prepared for these. He was not worried about either the Army or the Navy,but he did worry about the need of a defence force, and it was on this subject that concentration should take place. LORD CARSON, after thanking the Earl of Birkenhead forbringing about the discussion, said he was sure that the noble earl, in making a comparison of our Air Forces with those ofFrance, had no feeling of hostility towards that country. He felt a great deal of disappointment at the statement of the 175
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