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Aviation History
1935
1935 - 1317.PDF
MAY 30, 1935. FLIGHT. 595 dous expansion of our activities over the whole field. From the aircraft industry he had already received assurances of full co-operation. This problem would need very special atten tion, and he had placed himself in close touch with Lord Weir, who would, he trusted, find himself able to assist by acting 111 an advisory capacity in connection with supply, produc tion and industry. " As to personnel," Lord Londonderry continued, " we shall require 2,500 more pilots, and a total, including pilots, of nearly 22,500 additional personnel. This year alone we shall nut into training between 1,200 and 1,300 new pilots, and in addition we shall retain the services of hundreds of officers and men who would be normally taking their discharge and returning to civil life this year." For training purposes, Lord Londonderry remarked, they would substantially increase the present number of four civilian training schools for the initial flying instruction of pilots, and they would add five new R.A.F. training schools tu the five already in existence. Thirty-one New Stations While the exact allocation of the new home defence first lint- strength of 1,500 machines in -squadrons had been pur posely left undetermined, the new programme meant that 71 new squadrons for home defence would be formed in the present and next financial years instead of the 22 under the present programme. In addition to the 18 new stations required under the present programme of expansion, they would require 31 new stations of one kind or another under the new programme. The cost would inevitably be substan tial, but the Secretary of State for Air said he was not at present in a position to give any figures. With reference to Germany's capacity for increasing output, although he had never accepted the figures given by Lord Rothermere, Lord Londonderry said that in a country under a dictatorship the whole body of the people were controlled and regimented, and the mobilisation of industry was a matter of comparative simplicity. The British people, on the other hand, were a free people and would neither tolerate dictators nor the semblance of autocracy. But we could and would discover our own answer to that particular problem. His Majesty's Government. Lord Londonderry stated emphatically, would not in any circumstances accept a position of inferiority in the air to Germany. If the programme which he had announced proved insufficient they would increase it, cost what it might in money or effort. To the young men of the country, whatever their walk in life, he would say that the time had come for them to see to it that Great Britain was given the Air Force she needed. Let them enrol freely as soon as the requirements of the R.A.F. were made public. TKe Commons Discussion On May 22, also, the question of the R.A.F. expansion was discussed in the House of Commons. The Lord President of the Council (Mr. Stanley Baldwin) explained that when the date was originally set for the debate they had expected that Herr Hitler's speech would have been delivered in time for it to be given mature consideration. That had been postponed, owing to the death of Marshal Pilsudski, and Herr Hitler's speech was not delivered until the previous night. Neverthe less, the speech was very elaborate and would receive the fullest and fairest consideration from the Government. As Mr. Baldwin's speech covered much the same ground as that covered by Lord Londonderry in the House of Lords, we do not propose to give it at any great length. One or two points from it are, however, of interest. With regard to the hmures of German air strength which he gave last November, Mr. Baldwin said that he still considered those figures correct. Where he was wrong was in his estimate of the future. " There," Mr. Baldwin said. " I was completely wrong. I tell the House so frankly, because neither I nor any advisors from whom we could get accurale information had any idea of the exact rate at which production was being, could be, and actually was being speeded up in Germany in the six months between November and now." They could get no facts. The only facts that he could now put before the House were those whicn he had from Herr Hitler. Until he had reason to doubt those facts, and at present he had no such reason, he would accept them. It now appeared that Herr Hitler's goal was parity with France, and now Great Britain was basing her estimates on that strength. In discussing the question of production Mr. Baldwin said the Government was determined that there should be no pro fiteering in a time which could almost be called a time of emergency. There would be great demands for certain types of labour. There would be great demands for the production of factories, and he hoped that none of those interested parties would try to make capital out of the situation. Mr. Baldwin then explained the calling in of Lord Weir to help with the organisation of the industry. Mr. Attlee pointed out that his party did not stand for uni lateral disarmament. It stood for collective security through the League of Nations. The Government was asking for a large increase in armaments, and they had to express an opinion whether the proposed increases were justified and whether they would provide increased security. He noticed that there was nothing about civil aviation in Herr Hitler's speech. There was no use in limiting the expenditure on fighting aeroplanes when all over Europe enormous sub sidies were being given for civil aviation. The peak had been reached in Italy, where 98.2 per cent, of the receipts were derived from subsidies. He held that there was no way out of the air menace but to grapple with it on international lines. Sir Archibald Sinclair said he thought that to avert the danger of war it was above all necessary that every nation should be loyal to its obligations under the Covenant of the League of Nations. Unless Article 19 was recognised as enjoying equality of status with Articles 10 and 16 the League would forfeit its character as the organ of public right and become merely an alliance of the satisfied powers to preserve the status quo as long as they could against the dissatisfied powers. Germany had not been treated with the scrupulous fairness due to a proud and valiant nation. The people of Germany were entitled to receive justice and equality of status and treatment, and he was convinced that until that demand was satisfied Germany would remain a danger to peace. Herr Hitler had made it clear that his air force was measured by that of France. Ours was to be measured by that of Germany, and must therefore obviously be measured by that of France. Surely they could get into touch speedily with France and press forward with the idea of an air pact between France, Germany and ourselves. Did the Government include the German first line machines only, or did they include the dual- purpose machines, the civil machines which could be easily transformed, and were, in fact, fitted for speedy transforma tion into bombing machines ? He also thought there ought to be national factories for dealing with the rapid expansion. Two Years Too Long 1 Earl Winterton wanted to bring the debate back to the subject of defence policy, and proceeded to give a recital of events during the last two years. He was alarmed that we were going to take two years to increase our first line to 1,500 machines. He was informed that the Germans could pro duce twenty military aeroplanes a day. Mr. Pickthorn, in a maiden speech, said that he had been compelled to be acquainted with a high proportion of the young. The young could not be frightened out of war. They would keep out of war for other reasons. If we were going to be subjected to intensive air warfare what was going to matter was the risk of a civilian panic. The bombing oi towns would only be good tactics if civilian panic was likely, and working up panics beforehand was likely to lead to the adoption of those tactics New offensive weapons had always been unreasonably and excessively feared. No new offensive weapon had for long remained unanswered, and the defensive against air attack was certain to develop. There was loose talk of an air raid destroying London. Did anybody sup pose that an air raid would damage London more than an earthquake did San Francisco? That was not the end of Californian civilisation, and the bombing of London would need to be repeated and almost continual. The raiding force would lose a considerable proportion, and if that loss were put no higher than ten per cent, prolonged aerial operations against London would involve a drain which no general staff could face happily. Replacement of pilots would take longer than replacement of aeroplanes, and to have the greatest num ber of pilots was, therefore, a valuable precaution. If there never were a war again an ample British share in air transport would be a necessity, and it was a British interest for all the Dominions to be joined together by air. It was, therefore, high time that they began to be urgent, if not anxious, about our mercantile aviation. Canada was half-way between Europe and the Far East, she was the greatest reservoir of man power, and the Canadian people were unmatched in the virtues which flying demands. The development of east and west main flying routes across Canada was an urgent necessity. Captain Balfour said it was very unfair that this country
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