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Aviation History
1941
1941 - 1979.PDF
AUGUST 28TH, 1941. FLIGHT 123 AFTER THE WAR instrument. That was proved in Poland and in Holland, not to mention other cases which do not quite fit in with the stated conditions. Therefore, it follows that until the German (Prussian, if you will) people show a change of heart, the Reich must not be allowed to possess any mili- tary aircraft. That restriction was imposed in 1918, but it did not prevent the present war. There was, in the inter- war years, and perhaps there always will be, in the British nation a number of amiable sentimentalists who hate to be firm, and who shudder with horror at the idea that we are trampling on a beaten foe. It was that sloppy spirit which inspired the demand to change the name Armistice Day into Remembrance Day. The sentimentalists would-allow us to honour our dead, but we must certainly forget that we defeated the Germans and came out victors. Have they disappeared as a result of the present German atrocities? Versailles has been denounced as a cruel treaty, and the infinitely greater harshness of the Treaty of Brest- Litovsk imposed by the Germans on the Russians was con- veniently forgotten. We may be quite certain that the many nations who have been overrun and have suffered the abominations of German rule will not be so quickly mollified. Though British people may (quite probably they will), after their towns have been rebuilt in better form, thank the Luftwaffe for getting rid of a lot of slums, we may be sure that the horrors of Warsaw, of Rotterdam, of Belgrade, and of many lesser places will live in the memories of our Allies. But, then, after a war there is almost invariably some wrangling among Allies about reconstruction; and it is characteristic of the British, when feeling somewhat peeved with their late Allies, to blossom into sympathy for their late enemies. That happened after Waterloo, and it hap- pened after Versailles. • • - ^'-: '••-•.. •;-•-. • ••„• Disarming Aggressors is Essential These thoughts lead naturally to consideration of some words in Clause VIII of the statement. The two leaders of their countries " believe all of the nations of the world, for realistic as well as spiritual reasons, must come to the abandonment of the use of force." There is no fault to find in those words; but, taken out of their context, they may be quoted by pacifists in the future against firm action by the victors and against the retention of arma- ments by us British. The clause goes on to speak of a " permanent system of general security." It is what every sane man must sigh for, but if those words are used to bring about something so unworkable and ineffectual as the League of Nations they will have done more harm than good. In the mouths of realistic peace-lovers they are admirable, but they may be quoted by pacifists to make easy the Third World War. The clause ends with ,the expression of an intention to 'aid and encourage all other practicable measures (e.g., in addition to disarming aggressors) which will lighten for peace-loving peoples the crushing burden of armament." Once more we find sentiments deserving of all praise which ma ' become a danger when taken out of their context and used by cranks. With an income-tax at the standard rate of 10s. in the pound, all of us in this country are groaning under " the crushing burden of armament," though we are resolute to arm on until victory is won. After the war is over there will assuredly be a demand for relief, and, of course, there can be no prosperity, no reasonable happiness and enjoyment of life, until this burden has been cut down to a low figure. But until something very much more effi- cient than the League of Nations is devised, we should be fools to dispense with our insurance premiums. So far, no plan has invalidated the wise old maxim of the Romans— S' vis pacern, para helium. Even if a new and better League of Nations comes into wmg, it will have to depend on armed force. Moral suasion has been tried and has failed. There is no prospect of its ever succeeding against a determined aggressor, and nobody can guarantee that no more persons like Edward III, Louis XIV, Napoleon, Frederick the Great, Bismarck, Wilhelm II, Hitler or Mussolini will ever again be born into this world. So, in some way or other, the nations will have to maintain armed forces even under a League of Nations. There certainly were plenty of people who had a hazy idea that if they shouted for the League they would never have to fight themselves. Somebody else, quite undefined, would do their fighting for them, and so it would be quite safe to disarm. Everybody must get that idea completely out of his or her head. Britain's Necessary Armaments This is neither the place nor the time to discuss the possi- bilities of an international force to be held at the orders of the United States of Europe. If the Eight Points stand,, then Europe must be knocked into shape and kept in shape by the combined forces of the British Empire and the United States of America for a considerable time to come. It is not too soon to consider what form of armaments Britain must maintain in the new world. Most certainly a Navy; our very life depends on that. In the future we can foresee an amicable division of responsibilities between the Navies of Britain and the U.S.A. That idea began to take shape when Britain gave up the Two-Power Standard and agreed to parity between her naval forces and those of the United States. That idea must be developed, as well as other ideas which will bring the two nations into closer co-operation. An Army? During the period of policing we shall probably have to keep an Army in occupation of some parts of the Continent, and probably some '' token " forces from each of the Dominions ought to share in the work. But, in general, Britain's needs are served by a small, very well equipped regular Army, capable of rapid expansion through the agency of the Territorial Army. The Air Force? Flight is naturally most interested in the answer to that question. The Navy will keep its own Air Arm, and the Army certainly ought to have sufficient air squadrons at its own beck and call. It would make for simplicity and efficiency if the Army had its own Air Arm on the same lines as that of the Navy, but at the very least the Army must have first call on a minimum number of squadrons suitable to carry out all the operations required by the generals. Then every sane person will surely agree that the Fighter Command must be kept strong enough to guarantee the integrity of the British Isles against air attack. This Command most certainly ought to be in com- plete charge of all elements of air defence, the A.A. batteries and the searchlight battalions as well as all such matters -as radiolocation Each Overseas Command must be considered in the light of local conditions. It is not so easy to lay down what the relative strength of the Bomber Command ought to be. W: may start by saying that it must be sufficient to reinforce the Navy or the Army when the need arises. It must maintain its function as a pool or a reserve. But it is more doubtlul whether we need to maintain a strong independent striking force. Earlier in the article it was admitted that the threatening existence of the Luftwaffe bombers had much to do with bringing about the humiliation of Munich. Do we need a bomber force to keep possibly recalcitrant nations in order? It is not certain. The Luftwaffe inspired terror because everybody believed that it would bomb civilian populations. Such a threat would never be part of British policy. The British threat could only concern military targets, and there is still doubt as to whether the effects of such action are rapid enough to act as a deter- rent to a nation which was lusting to embark on a career of aggression. It may well be that if our coasts are safe from air attack and our Navy and Army can count on really adequate support from the air, our purposes will be adequately served.
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